25 November Monday

The So-called “Consumers’ Interest”...writes Prabhath Patnaik

Prabhath PatnaikUpdated: Monday May 21, 2018

IN the wake of the take-over of Flipkart  by Walmart, one is once again hearing  an argument which one has often come  across before, namely that having a  large multinational in this sphere,  which can do global sourcing for its  products, will make goods cheaper  for buyers and therefore be in the  “consumers’ interests”. This argument  is so old that it even goes back to the  colonial times, when it was argued  by many that imports from Britain,  which had caused domestic deindustrialisation  by outcompeting the local  craftsmen, had cheapened goods for  the consumers and were therefore in  the “consumers’ interests”, indeed in  the peasants’ interests since they  constituted numerically the bulk of the  consumers for the imported products. 

The claim that Walmart’s importing  goods from all across the world to sell  cheaply in the Indian market serves  the “consumers’ interests”, is a mere  repetition of this old argument.  There are two things wrong with  this argument. The first is that, even  assuming it is valid, it amounts to  giving priority to consumers’ interest  over that of the local producers; indeed  it amounts to giving a certificate of  ethical legitimacy to the very idea of  a “consumers’ interest” that is wholly  unconcerned with the plight of local  producers.This latter point was made  by Gandhi long ago when he had  written: “It is sinful to buy American  wheat and let my neighbour the  grain-dealer starve for want of custom.  Similarly it is sinful for me to wear the  latest finery of Regent Street, when I  know that if I had but worn the things  woven by the neighbouring spinners  and weavers, that would have clothed  me and fed and clothed them”.“Sinful”  in Gandhi’s language is what we  would call ethically unacceptable; his  objection, on ethical grounds, is to the  acceptance of a concept of “consumers’  interest” without any concern for the  plight of the local producers. 

The second problem with this  “consumers’ interest” argument is  analytical as distinct from ethical. It  assumes, totally erroneously, that  “consumers” are a distinct entity from  the local producers who are displaced  by cheaper imports. Those who are  displaced are also consumers. And  even if we assume that there are some  consumers who are not immediately  affected by the displacement of local  producers, ie, who are actually better  off immediately because of cheaper  imports of the goods they consume,  they may nonetheless get affected  adversely over a period of time by the  displacement of local producers. 

The example of colonial  deindustrialisation again will make the  point clear. When handloom weavers  were displaced by the import of cheap  cotton cloth from Britain, it would  have appeared immediately that the  peasants had become better off: they  after all were not being displaced,  while on the other hand the goods they  were consuming had become cheaper.  But the displacement of the handloom  weavers (and other craftsmen), led,  not immediately but over time, to an  increase in the pressure of population  on land. In the course of the nineteenth  century, there was an increase in  the magnitude of rent and a decline  in the magnitude of real wages in  India, which actually worsened the  plight of the peasants and agricultural  labourers. Hence the appearance of an  improvement in their condition because  of cheaper imports, while no doubt  quite valid immediately, was an illusion  if we took a longer period of time.  The only class in British India which  benefited quite unambiguously from  the fact of deindustrialisation was the  class of landlords who benefited both  from the higher rents and from the  cheaper imports.

 In short, those who appear to  benefit as consumers from the cheaper  imports brought in by multinationals  because of the immediate price effect,  are also likely to lose out,, if not  immediately then at least over a period  of time, from the adverse income effect  of such cheap imports. The complexity  of this picture, where there are no pure  “consumers” completely distinct from  the displaced producers, and unaffected  by the plight of the latter, is missed  by all those who look only at the price  effect without looking at the income  effect. And those who have been  arguing in favour of the encroachment  of the Indian market by multinational  retailers belong to this category.  There are thus two separate  arguments against the takeover of the  Indian retail market by entities like  Walmart. One which has been widely  discussed is that it displaces vast  numbers of petty traders.

This is the  exact counterpart of, and analogous  to, the deindustrialisation witnessed in  the colonial period, except that we are  talking here not of the industrial sector  but of a service sector, ie, retail trade.  The second argument is that while the  petty traders bought their goods from  local producers, the multinationals  would buy theirs from all across the  globe, from the cheapest producers,  which means that local producers  (and not just local traders) would get  displaced. We have in short two distinct  processes of deindustrialisation arising  from the encroachment of the Indian  market by multinational retail giants. 

Both would produce unemployment  and reduce the level of domestic  activity. And one particular argument  which one comes across against this  assertion, namely that domestic  producers will then be forced to cut  costs and become more “efficient”, is  an absurdity, since cutting costs in their  situation would simply mean cutting  into their subsistence, which is but  another name for what we have called  “displacement”. 

There is however a second argument  that is advanced against the view that  the entry of retail giants will increase  unemployment. This states that while  unemployment would increase in  those sectors where imports would be  cheaper than what local producers  charge, there would correspondingly  be an increase in employment in those  sectors where local producers charge  less than elsewhere, for then the retail  giants would buy locally here to sell in  other countries. Isn’t this after all what  David Ricardo’s famous “comparative  advantage” was supposed to mean? The  multinational retail giants are simply  realising “comparative advantage”  through their global sourcing of goods  for sale. If a particular country can  produce a good more cheaply than  others then that country will specialise  in the production of that good while  some other countries will produce the  other goods which this country was  producing earlier. 

This argument again is completely  fallacious as was Ricardo’s original  argument which was based on the  infamous Say’s Law that a capitalist  economy never experiences a deficiency  of aggregate demand. To say that  different countries specialise in the  production of different goods and there  is no question of any country losing out  on employment because of such global  sourcing, presupposes Say’s Law at the  very least. Once we abandon the absurd  assumption of Say’s Law, it becomes  clear that total world employment will  fall as a consequence of global sourcing. 

The whole point of global sourcing  is that each commodity is bought from  producers which charge the least for it.  This cheapening of goods at the global  level, since it must also raise, to some  extent at least, profit-margins compared  to the pre-global- sourcing  situation, is logically exactly analogous  to a global wage cut, ie, a shift of income  distribution from producers every  where to the retail giants. This shift  is in addition to the shift of income  distribution from the petty traders  who get displaced to the retail giants.  Both these shifts entail, other things  remaining the same, a reduction in  global demand, and hence in global  output and employment. 

Putting the matter differently, for  any given level of global investment in  real terms (which does not change in the  short-run), since global savings must  equal global investment, and since the  savings ratio out of profits is larger than  out of wages, an increase in the share  of profit per unit of output, must lead  to a reduction in global consumption  and output. And the whole point of  retail giants like Walmart straddling the  globe is to raise the amount of profit  per unit of output, both through the  displacement of petty traders and  through global sourcing of products to  the cheapest producers. (The displacement  of petty traders has an additional  demand-depressing effect since the  savings ratio out of profits is larger for  larger profit-blocks than for smaller  ones).  In such a situation, while it is  conceivable that a particular country  may not witness a fall in employment,  that only implies that some other  country has witnessed an even larger  fall in employment. In a situation where  overall global employment shrinks  because of the depredations of such  retail giants, one country can escape  a decline in employment only if the  burden is passed on with even greater  ferocity to some other country. 

Hence, if perchance the entry  of Walmart happens to increase  employment in India, then there is  nothing to cheer about it; it only means  that some other hapless country has  witnessed an even greater decrease in  employment. And to invoke “consumers’  interest” in this scenario to defend the  depredations of such retail giants is  simpliste in the extreme.   
 

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